Politics and Brazilian football
Twitter Q&A sessions are invariably cringe-worthy but whomever had the brilliant idea to put Brazil president Dilma Rousseff up for one with Neymar, Ronaldo and Kaka back in January managed to make things actually worse.
Apart from Rousseff´s insistence on ignoring comments about the delays in the World Cup preparations as well as the great number of infrastructure projects that might not see the light of the day, the blandness of a conversation that included a player like Neymar, whose participation in the tournament is all but decided, irked an audience that a couple of months ago had given the president enough of an earful in the opening game of the Confederations Cup to make the FIFA supremo Sepp Blatter try and intervene.
Burned by the boos, Rousseff did not attend the final but she cannot be blamed for showing up in the first place. Apart from protocol pretty much demanding the attendance of heads of state at the more iconic moments of World Cup and Olympic Games, Brazil´s first woman president was just following a trend of political meddling in football that is almost as old as the game in the most successful country in the history of the sport. Football and politics walk hand in hand in Brazil because they were always a match made in heaven -- a union instrumental in the growth of the game in the land of Pele.
To understand that, it is necessary to go back to the last century -- more precisely to 1930, when gaucho army veteran Getulio Vargas headed a coup that seized power from the agrarian Southeastern elites. Vargas immediately sought to attract support from the working class as a form of building a power base to confront the aristocratic influence. He was a charismatic man whose messianic tone, used to address the masses, irked his opponents but seemed to address the concerns of the common people.
It didn´t long take for the new president to notice that sport could be an even easier channel for dialogue. Under Vargas, football was formally professionalised in Brazil. In his association with sport, Vargas was hardly doing anything new. The 1930s were marked by the dangerous approach between football and populist regimes around the world, with Benito Mussolini´s propagandist use of the 1934 World Cup and Italy´s title being the biggest example.
Vargas understood that in a country still divided by strong political and social divisions like Brazil in the 1930s, football could be a one of the few aggregating experiences. That football stadiums such as Sao Januario in Rio de Janeiro, a place used to host presidential ceremonies where Vargas would be make long and passionate speeches, was not a coincidence.
His meddling continued onto the pitch, too. WBrazil defeated Uruguay away for the first time and won the Rio Branco Cup in 1932, a challenge trophy the two teams contested from 1931 to 1976, the president hosted the team at the presidential Palace in Catete. The notion that the Selecao "was" Brazil became stronger and even defeats were drenched in patriotism. The team beaten by Argentina in the 1937 South American championships was received like war heroes back home -- a marching band played the national anthem twice and even a cannon salvo greeted the players.
The Vargas government, whose "provisional" tenure would only come to an end in 1945, also contributed to the confusing legal framework that ties Brazilian football to political interests.
In 1941 it ratified the presence of the state in the sports arena by granting the Brazilian Sports Confederation (CBD) -- the predecessor to the Brazilian Football Confederation (CBF) -- the monopoly in the organisation of football games and competitions in Brazil. The legislation forbade the creation of rival leagues and associations, and established that the CBD would get a share of gate receipts from every interstate match and every game involving the Selecao on Brazilian soil. Under Brazilian law, football clubs were also forbidden to function as companies and to this day are still defined as non-profitable organisations, operating under the rule of state federations whose presidents are often linked to strong political groups.
But it is the public passion for the game that traditionally attracts more interest. In 1950, Brazil´s preparations for the World Cup final against Uruguay in Rio were disturbed by a procession of candidates looking for photo opportunities ahead of the upcoming general election -- the irony of ironies is that Vargas, running for president as opposition, wasn´t seen near the players. Legend is that even their final meal before facing the Uruguayans was cut short for political speeches -- it didn´t help that manager Flavio Costa was eyeing a seat in the Rio council and didn´t really try to stop the Brazil headquarters from becoming a bazaar.
When Brazil won the World Cup in 1958 and 1962, visits to the presidential palace for an audience with the big boss were part of the celebrations, but nothing would compare to the approach by the Army dictatorship that ruled Brazil from 1964 to 1985.
The 1970 World Cup triumph was milked to exhaustion by the regime led by fearsome general Emilio Medici. A football fanatic who earlier in life had flirted with turning pro, he would attend games at Maracana equipped with a small transistor radio, just like a thousand other supporters -- never mind that his five-year regime was marked by widespread torture and political repression. Medici would also use his special prerogatives to call the team hotel during the tournament in Mexico.
"I remember several times chatting with him on the phone. The man liked football and wanted to have a chat sometimes. It wasn´t something ordinary, but he behaved like a real supporter, not a general," remembers Rivelino, one of the players who wouldn´t be too fazed to address the president.
Brazil would go on to win the title and the wave of euphoria helped the government party to a landslide victory in the 1970 parliamentary elections. That impressed the military enough to actually work at turning the Selecao into poster boys of the regime for Germany 1974; the ideology actually spilled into the team´s style of playing.
"Newspaper opinion pieces in 1974 invariably rambled on about the benefits of order and organisation for Brazilian football. It was quite common to find comment on how discipline would make Brazilian football invincible, uniting skill with European discipline," explains Brazilian writer and historian Marcos Guterman, whose work focuses on the use of football as propaganda by the Brazilian authorities.
But not even General Medici went to the extents of Fernando Collor de Mello. In 1990, he did more than become the first Brazilian president to attend a Selecao World Cup game abroad -- Collor actually decided to join the Selecao for a kick-about before their trip to Italy. Queue images of the president huffing and puffing on a futsal court -- torrential rain deemed the pitch a bit too dangerous for The Chief -- and a horribly staged penalty that forced goalkeeper Claudio Taffarel to move slower than a drunk turtle in order to spare Collor more blushes.
Brazil were unceremoniously dumped from the tournament in the round of 16 and four years later Collor missed the chance to actually become the first leader in 24 years to welcome a winning side -- impeached in 1992 thanks to massive embezzlement scheme that he was later cleared of, he had to cede his position to VP Itamar Franco, who nonetheless had to handle a hot potato when customs agents tried to inspect the luggage brought back from the U.S. by the world champions.
The Selecao had left Brazil with 3.4 tons of equipment and luggage only to come back with 14.4 tons on July 19. After some tense negotiations, a phone call from Ricardo Teixeira to a government minister settled the matter and players were excused from paying the bulk of import duties applicable to those who had blown the $500 tax-free limit -- left-back Branco, for example, had brought along kitchen appliances and fittings worth $18,000.
Last but not least, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. Brazil´s first working-class president didn´t even try to stick to protocol when it came to football. A fervent Corinthians supporter who was reportedly instrumental in the Sao Paulo club securing a loan deal to build the stadium they will inherit after the World Cup, Lula never refrained from expressing opinions.
In 2006, he publicly asked then-Selecao manager Carlos Alberto Parreira about Ronaldo´s expanding waistline, only for the former triple World Player of The Year to make an equally less elegant reference to the president´s reported appreciation for scotch. Above all, Lula embraced Brazil´s candidacy to the 2014 World Cup. While it was true that Brazil was running unopposed thank to much horse-trading at FIFA, the financial guarantees signed by the president were crucial to push the Brazilians over the line.
Cutting to the present day, Mrs. Rousseff couldn´t be more different from her predecessors with regard to her appreciation for the game. But inside she knows that after footing a $12 billion bill, Brazilian taxpayers could punish the government in the October elections if the Selecao falls short of a sixth world title.
Brasil: Flamengo, Vasco, Fluminense, Botafogo (100% Carioca) Rio > Säo Paulo
MENGÃO TRI DA AMÈRICA: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1RlVt8zJhXQ