Mersheimer er mere og mere på glatis med sin "realisme"
"You also said to me, back in February, “The argument that the foreign-policy establishment in the United States, and in the West more generally, has invented revolves around the claim that [Putin] is interested in creating a greater Russia.” Do you think that that’s something he’s more interested in now?
No, I’ve thought from the beginning that this conflict is all about balance-of-power politics. The conventional wisdom in the United States is that it’s not about balance-of-power politics, and, in fact, Putin is an imperialist who is interested in conquering Ukraine for the purpose of making it part of a greater Russia. I don’t think that is the case. I don’t think he had or has imperial ambitions. What motivates him is fear of Ukraine becoming a part of nato.
Do you think there’s a reason Putin himself has been talking about this in terms of imperial ambitions? He talked about Peter the Great. “What was [Peter] doing?” Putin asked. “Taking back and reinforcing. That’s what he did.” He then said, “And it looks like it fell on us to take back and reinforce as well,” in terms of returning land to Russia. How do you view those comments?
He did not make any comments of those sorts before February 24th. And the only such comment he has made since February 24th is the Peter the Great comment. I don’t think that’s indicative that he is interested in conquering all of Ukraine and making it part of the greater Russia. He has never said that. What he’s interested in doing is conquering those four oblasts in the eastern part of Ukraine. And he was not interested in conquering those four oblasts before the war started. It was only after the war started.
We know that?
Yes.
Oh, O.K.
There’s no evidence that he was interested in conquering those four oblasts. The war started on February 24th. On February 21st, he gave a famous speech—this is three days before the war started—where he recognized the two oblasts in the Donbas. This is Donetsk and Lugansk. He recognized them as independent republics. So he was not interested in conquering that territory.
He was forced into invading them?
Well, I think that what happened was, on February 24th, they invaded Ukraine. And what invariably happens when a war starts is that not only do goals escalate but the means of waging the war escalate. In terms of the goals escalating, what happened here was he decided at some point that these four oblasts would become part of Russia.
There was an argument about what Putin’s aims were, whether they were primarily imperial—about taking more land and integrating it into Russia—or whether they were about nato expansion. And then the war starts, and, at least in the areas that he’s conquered, he seems to be pursuing the former goal. It feels a little unprovable to say, well, he’s only doing that now, not because the people saying so initially were right.
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Well, first of all, there’s no evidence that he had imperial ambitions before the war. He would have had to say that it was desirable. There would have to be evidence that he had said that it was desirable to conquer Ukraine and incorporate it into Russia. There would have to be evidence that he had said it was feasible. And there would have to be evidence that he had said that that was what he was doing. And there is no evidence to support any of those.
Why would him saying one thing or the other before the war count as evidence necessarily?
Well—
Russia meddled in the 2016 Presidential election, but Putin says they didn’t. So what does that prove or not?
All we can do is base our judgment on what his intentions were on the available evidence.
So, not on what happened but what he said before the war?
Yes. It may be that thirty years from now we unlock the archives and discover that there is massive evidence that he was an imperialist at heart. That is possible, but we do not have any evidence of that sort at this point in time. We have a huge amount of evidence that it was nato expansion and the more general policy of making Ukraine a western bulwark on Russia’s border that motivated him to attack on February 24th.
He has said that Russians and Ukrainians are one people. He said that before the war.
He said that in a famous article that he wrote on July 12, 2021. But in that same article, he made it very clear that he recognized Ukrainian nationalism, that he recognized that Ukraine was a sovereign state. There is no evidence in there that he was bent on conquering Ukraine and incorporating it into a greater Russia.
Before he violated Ukrainian sovereignty, he respected Ukrainian sovereignty, because he said he did?
I’m just telling you what he said in the July 12, 2021, article that he wrote, the famous article.
I just meant that if he’s saying that he respects Ukrainian sovereignty and then he invades Ukraine, it makes me wonder if we should believe him when he says he respects its sovereignty. I don’t know.
I have another point to make that’s really important. What we’ve been talking about are Russian intentions, and in particular, Putin’s intentions. What did he intend to do? We also have to look at capabilities. The Russians did not have the military capability to conquer all of Ukraine. At most, a hundred and ninety thousand Russian troops went into Ukraine. There is no way a hundred and ninety thousand Russian troops could come close to conquering and occupying all of Ukraine."
https://www.newyorker.com/news/q-and-a/john-mearsheimer-on-putins-ambitions-after-nine-months-of-warDerudover så nægter han helt at snakke om hvorfor han var i Ungarn og snakke med Orban.
Derudover så er der gode nyheder fra Slovakiet der gør klar til at sende deres 12 MIg 29 til Ukraine det er en betydelig styrkelse til det Ukrainske luftvåben som før krigen havde 43 Mig 29.
https://www.aerotime.aero/articles/slovakia-prepares-to-send-mig-29-fighters-to-ukraine-soonGenerelt når vi ser ind i 2023 så skal Ukraine have flere fly (først nok fra andre østlande og siden F-16) flere kampvogne (igen først mere lagre fra østlande og så vestlig) samt langtrækkende våben som UK har åbnet op for.
En Ukrainsk sejr kan meget vel kræve et indhug i EU/USA våbenlagre, det er dog en lille pris at betale for en sejr i Ukraine.
Hvis russerne mobiliserer igen i januar så kan det godt blive en lang krig hvor Rusland nærmere sig Ukraine i antal soldater hvorfor Ukraine skal bruge bedre og flere våben mens de russiske lagre tømmes mere og mere.
Som minimum vil det give en ny stærk allieret i Ukraine og en fredsdividende i hvertfald frem til 2030 hvor det russisk militærs offensive kapaciteter vil være knust.
Endnu mere lovende så krigen fører til regimeskifte i Rusland (og Belarus) hvilket kan sikre demokratiet en lang bedre position i verden end vi startede med i 2022.